After the Arab Spring

By Spencer Blair

Professor Marc Lynch, a professor in the departments of Political Science and International Affairs at George Washington University, regrets coining the term “Arab Spring.” Professor Lynch, who gave a talk in Haldeman on Monday, October 28 called “After the Arab Spring,” was the first to use the term to describe a trend toward democracy in the Arab world in an article on his blog for Foreign Policy.

Lynch renounces the term simply because, while he has an optimistic vision for the Middle East’s long-term future, the 2011 uprisings have not contributed to democratization in the Middle East, and the short-term political future looks bleak in several of these countries, especially Egypt and Syria.

Despite the title “After the Arab Spring,” Lynch acknowledged that much of his talk was devoted to the cause of the Arab Spring, something Lynch attributed largely to the rise of social media. Lynch described the world before the rise of the Internet, in which acceptance of oppressive government was the only feasible political stance, because citizens of Middle Eastern countries under oppressive regimes had no way to educate or organize. Any sort of dissent was quashed immediately and never publicized, and television and radio contained nothing more than positive political coverage of a state’s oppressive leaders.

Expanded technology and the rise of social media, however, revolutionized the relationship between government and citizen, and instances of dissent went viral thanks to a brief Youtube clip or Facebook post. While the 2011 uprisings resulted from a series of complex political, historical, and social factors, the uprisings occurred when they did due to the concurrence of the regime oppression with the peak of social media’s prevalence and relevance in the region.

After the uprisings, Lynch argued, is where everything went wrong, resulting in the highly unfavorable political and social climate that plagues the region today. The changes that occurred following the uprisings were so substantial that returning to the former regime would have been impossible in nearly every country affected, but the upheaval resulted in a rise of Islamist governments rather than the intended democratization. In fact, Lynch and many others now use the term “Islamist winter” to describe the rise of Islamist governments following the initial upheaval, a far cry from the intended democratization of the movement.

The long-term political future that faces these nations is not overwhelmingly bleak, Lynch argues, because eventually these Islamist governments will face similar backlash to that faced by the authoritarian regimes that preceded them, and eventually the environment will be favorable enough for the unfinished business of democratization to occur. For now, however, political strife and anti-democratic behavior is destined to plague the nations that faced political uprisings in 2011 due to the failure of post-upheaval democratization – the lack of a true “Arab Spring.”

Marc Lynch on the Arab Uprising

By Max Lu

The lecture delivered by Mark Lynch on the Arab uprising was absolutely fascinating because he provided an entirely different perspective from the mainstream media.

He talked at length about the historical context surrounding the Arab uprising, specifically how the underlying conditions for protest have existed for several decade. Based on this, he argued that the term “Arab Spring” that has been in common usage is actually inaccurate. Furthermore, he says that more protests will erupt in the future because none of the underlying problems have actually been addressed.

He also talked at length about the role of technology in protests. He analyzed the role that Al Jazeera originally had on the Arab public, and the role it continues to play today. He explained how the proliferation of mobile phones, the Internet, and social media expanded on that trend and substantially government control over the flow of information and the public discourse in the Arab world.

After defining the foundation of the protest, he analyzed individual countries and compared the paths that they took. He first pointed out the extreme similarity between the path taken by Tunisia and Egypt, then explained how no other country took a similar path. He talked about the ongoing situation in Syria and how that is affecting its neighbors, the region, and the operational capability of terrorists.

The final part of his lecture focused on the limited influence of US foreign policy on the situation in the Middle East. He argued that American military intervention in Syria would really have limited influence because the US cannot change many of the fundamental forces interacting on the ground.

He also showed that he was very knowledgeable during the question and answer session, drawing from his firsthand knowledge in the region to analyze questions ranging from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to US relations with Saudi Arabia. Overall, it was an excellent lecture that provided a fresh perspective to an important issue.

General James Mattis Gives Public Lecture at Dartmouth

By Justin Roshak

For those of us who came of age during the late Bush administration, the world is dominated by two conflicting sentiments. First, American military and economic hegemony gives us hope that we might use them to do good. Second, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan make us deeply suspicious of American imperialism. This past Wednesday, General James Mattis, retired commander of U.S. Central Command, gave a lecture at Dartmouth entitled, “In the Midst of the Storm: A U.S. Commander’s View of the Changing Middle East.” I found it supremely valuable to hear from a man who has stood on the front lines of the past decade of war and hope, disappointment and progress.

During this lecture, Gen. Mattis spoke about US foreign policy and military action in the Middle East and  below I’ve sketched out some of the critical takeaway points from his discussion:

On Egypt: Undeniable setbacks. The road to democracy is long, and there is room for both hope and disappointment.

On Syria: Assad must go, but what replaces him may not be to out liking. Men regularly betray their countries, but rarely abandon their religion.

On Iran: Detente may be near, but Iran must behave responsibly, less like a revolutionary cause and more like a sovereign state.

The United States has, he said, an international responsibility to maintain stability. That means working with perhaps unsavory regimes, supporting positive change where we can, and maintaing a healthy sense of its limitations. The 200,000 soldiers, sailors, and flyers of CENTCOM are only one half of US power, for they stay at the pleasure of the allies.

He spoke movingly about the ethical foundations of the United States armed forces, and urged us not to condemn the vast majority of determined, moral young men and women for the crimes of a few. “We fix our mistakes” he said, and that struggle towards an ideal is a source of great strength. The US volunteer soldier has, he said with visible pride, a remarkable capacity to keep cool in terrible circumstances. Once he approached a young man under fire and, asking him what was happening, he replied that he was “taking the fun out of fundamentalism”. That calm in the face of danger, he said, means keeping to moral restraint.

Practicality must rule the day. We can support moral diplomacy without wasting our time, money, and lives, but “America has no moral imperative to do the impossible” Ultimately, the level of American engagement will be dictated by the American people. We have resources to secure our economic and moral interests, but there must be political will to do so.

Media and Mekhennet: “Observations about the World after the Arab Spring”

By Feyaad Allie

Souad Mekhennet, German reporter and columnist who works for The New York Times, Der Spiegel and ZDF (German television) http://www.islamicstudies.harvard.edu/covering-islam/



For the Bernard D. Nossiter ’47 lecture at the Rockefeller Center on May 6, 2013, journalist Souad Mekhennet provided a different perspective on the motivations for the Arab Spring protests and their outcomes. Mekhennet obtained a unique viewpoint from witnessing protests and remaining in the region. She explained that the protesters told her they were protesting against corruption, better access to healthcare, and prosperity, not necessarily for democracy. In fact, she said that the people didn’t really seem to understand what democracy entailed.


Perhaps due the portrayal of Arab Spring events in the US, Mekhennet’s perspective was particularly interesting. In fact, it seems like constituents are more disapproving of the present condition of the government relative to the former regimes. Mekhennet stated that in Egypt 80-90% of women said that after the collapse of the Mubarak regime they were sexually assaulted. She mentioned her interviews with citizens of Arab Spring countries and revealed that most of them preferred the older regime because they were guaranteed basic security under those rulers. Elaborating, Mekhennet said the people are more afraid and women in particular are being threatened for not wearing the hijab. Overall, Mekhennet’s lecture emphasized that implementing democracy may still leave citizens with governments that neglect security or are unwilling to reform.


For me, the most interesting points that Mekhennet spoke about originated from the question and answer period. She explained that while Twitter and other social media sites were used to gather support and publicize the protest there was an often-overlooked downside: the validity of online information. Many times, Twitter updates from people at the protests were untrue. Mekhennet explained that there would be tweets about the police shooting into the crowd from protests where she was present; however, she saw no such action. As someone who is very interested and optimistic about social media, this surprised me. Prompted by a question regarding Syria, Mekhennet asserted that Syria could become the second Iraq. She recognized that several states and non-state actors have an interest in the area, making it susceptible to becoming a regional conflict.


Protesters in Tahrir Square. http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/booksblog/2011/apr/18/arabic-fiction-revolution-spring



Mekhennet’s lecture raises some interesting considerations about social media. Will the use of social media persist in the Arab world although the protests are largely over? How can social media become a more reliable source of information? Will social media serve as a form of exposure to Western culture that may have stronger implications in the future?