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A reader e-mails with the following question:

I'm not sure I ever realized what interesting things happened at the intersection of economics and politics -- now I'm starting to wish I had taken some econ courses as an undergrad! Could you give me an idea of where I could start reading to play catch-up on some of the terminology and the basic principles of economics?

I think there are two places to start, outside of the textbook market. The classic answer to this question is Economics in One Lesson by Henry Hazlitt. I remembering reading this one as I was taking undergraduate economics courses and feeling like it did a very good job of clarifying what economics was about.

A more recent book that has also been praised for its clarity and accessibility is Naked Economics by Charlie Wheelan. Charlie is an instructor at the Harris School at the University of Chicago and an alumnus and occasional visitor here at Dartmouth. He also writes a column, by the same name as the book, for Yahoo, which I also recommend.

Via Joe Malchow, a priceless video clip of Dartmouth Trustee Peter Robinson doing Q & A on libertarianism with Milton Friedman. Classic.

From our local paper, The Valley News, an article on the time the Friedmans spent near Dartmouth.

Via Greg Mankiw, the WSJ's sampler of Friedman's opinions. On Social Security:

I have long been a critic of Social Security, basically because I believe that it is not the business of government to tell people what fraction of their incomes they should devote to providing for their own or someone else's old age. On a more pragmatic level, Social Security is another example of the generalization that government programs typically have effects that are the opposite of those intended by their well-meaning sponsors (what Rep. Richard Armey calls the "invisible foot of government").

The well-meaning sponsors intended Social Security to ensure a minimum income to the poor in their old age. It has largely done that, but at the cost of what they would have regarded as a perverse redistribution of income from the young to the old, from black to white, from the relatively poor to the relatively well-to-do.

From its inception, Social Security has been an unholy combination of two items: a flat-rate tax on earnings up to a maximum with no exemption and a benefit program that awards subsidies that have essentially no relation to need but are based on such criteria as marital status, longevity and recent earnings. As I wrote many years ago, "hardly anyone approves of either part separately. Yet the two combined have become a sacred cow. What a triumph of imaginative packaging and Madison Avenue advertising!"
--from "Social Security: The General And the Personal," March 15, 1988

Enjoy!

The Wall Street Journal reported today that Milton Friedman passed away at age 94. He was without question the leading conservative economist of the 20th century. I had the pleasure of meeting him a few years ago while he was visiting a Dartmouth colleague of mine who was a former student of his at the University of Chicago. He was kind and gracious--and not the least bit hesitant to tell me that my various conceptions of Social Security reform didn't go nearly far enough.

Quoting the WSJ article:

Among his most famous books were: "Price Theory," 1962 (with Rose Friedman); "Capitalism and Freedom," 1962; "An Economist's Protest," 1972; "There Is No Such Thing As a Free Lunch," 1975; and "Free to Choose," 1979, co-authored with his wife. "Free to Choose" also was a series on the Public Broadcasting Service.

The producer of that series, Bob Chitester, told the University of Chicago that Mr. Friedman's "insatiable curiosity" made him a different kind of thinker. "He set forth ideas without regard to their popularity or acceptability. He has been equally tough on himself and others in his search for tools of analysis that consistently and accurately predict outcomes in both micro and macro economics. And he has never compromised the resulting analysis to please those in power. Such courage is essential to the survival of a free society," Mr. Chitester said.

I think that quote sums him up pretty well. As I've mentioned before, I think that Capitalism and Freedom or Free to Choose should be read by anyone interested in economics.

Greg Mankiw provides a list of new year's resolutions for economic policy makers in yesterday's Wall Street Journal in "Repeat After Me." The one-liners are:

  1. This year I will be straight about the budget mess.
  2. This year I will be unequivocal in my support of free trade.
  3. This year I will ask farmers to accept the free market.
  4. This year I will admit that there are some good taxes.
  5. This year I will not be tempted to bash the Fed.
  6. This year I will vote to eliminate the penny.
  7. This year I will be modest about what government can do.

Read the whole thing--witty, straightforward, informative--just the reasons why Greg's textbooks were a hit and working for him was a pleasure. Resolution #1 bears more scrutiny. Greg specifies the full resolution as:

I know that the federal budget is on an unsustainable path. I know that when the baby-boom generation retires and becomes eligible for Social Security and Medicare, all hell is going to break loose. I know that the choices aren't pretty -- either large cuts in promised benefits or taxes vastly higher than anything ever experienced in U.S. history. I am going to admit these facts to the American people, and I am going to say which choice I favor.

There needs to be a pause between the first two sentences here. The federal budget is on an unsustainable path, but not only because of the looming demographic shift. That problem needs to be addressed, regardless of what is done about entitlements. The on-budget and off-budget imbalances are two problems that have a common cause--no one seems interested in "Repeating After Greg."

To see what the prospects are for anyone adopting Greg's resolution #1, we turn to Stan Collender's most recent "Budget Battles" column. It's not a pretty picture:

It's hard to see how anything positive will happen this year on the federal budget. Here are the reasons why.

It's An Election Year. The president's budget has not been a real fiscal blueprint for some time, but there are two reasons why President Bush's fiscal 2007 budget is very likely to be more of a pure political statement tha[n] any submitted by this president.

First, the White House is going to want to release the equivalent of a campaign platform for Republicans running for election in November rather than a serious budget that attempts to get anything done. This will eliminate most, if not all, of the incentives for bipartisan compromise and will doom most of what the president proposes to the budget graveyard as soon as his plan is received on Capitol Hill. This will be what congressional Republicans will run on regardless of whether anything is actually enacted.

Second, at this point in his presidency, Bush will have very little opportunity to propose legislative changes that will have a substantial positive impact on the deficit before Inauguration Day in 2009. The better strategy for the White House will be to again underestimate revenues and economic growth and then take credit later in the year for what appears to be an improved budget outlook. When it comes to federal finances, this is an administration that has repeatedly demonstrated that it will not make hard choices if the impact will be felt after it is no longer in power. There is no reason to believe the administration will do anything differently now.

Read the whole thing. I don't think Greg will have many takers. Maybe they'll eliminate the penny.

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From David Rosenbaum of the New York Times, (by way of Brad DeLong), we learn that Douglas Holtz-Eakin will leave his position as Director of the CBO to join the Council on Foreign Relations. From the CFR's press release:

November 14, 2005—Council President Richard N. Haass has named Douglas Holtz-Eakin, current director of the Congressional Budget Office (CBO), the new director of the Council’s Maurice R. Greenberg Center for Geoeconomic Studies (GEC), and the Paul A. Volcker Chair in International Economics. Founded in 2000, the GEC works to promote a better understanding among policymakers, academic specialists, and the interested public of how economic and political forces interact to influence world affairs.

“We are thrilled to have an individual of Douglas Holtz-Eakin’s stature and experience join the Council,” said Haass. “He is the ultimate scholar-practitioner, someone able to advance thinking about the connections between economic and strategic developments and to make sure that the fruits of such thinking reach policymakers, business leaders, and others with a need to understand how the world really works.”

Holtz-Eakin is known for his longstanding and broad interest in the economics of public policy. He previously served as chief economist for the president’s Council of Economic Advisers, where he also served as senior staff economist in 1989 and 1990. He was trustee professor of economics at the Maxwell School, Syracuse University, where he has served as chairman of the Department of Economics and associate director of the Center for Policy Research. “This is a once in a lifetime opportunity,” said Holtz-Eakin. “I look forward to the chance to continue my nonpartisan, high-caliber work in an organization that is not only national but has a global reach.”

Congratulations to Doug. I had been hoping that he would be offered the position of CEA Chairman, to succeed Ben Bernanke when Ben takes over at the Fed. Doug would have brought some outside credibility on budget policy along with a familiar face from the early part of the Administration to a White House that is very much in need of both.

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I'm having a hard time figuring out why this (of all things) would leak from the White House prior to the President's announcement, but the AP Wire reports that Ben Bernanke is expected to be nominated to replace Alan Greenspan:

WASHINGTON - President Bush on Monday selected Ben Bernanke, chairman of the president's Council of Economic Advisers, to replace Alan Greenspan as Fed chairman, according to an administration official.

The official spoke on condition of anonymity because the nomination had not yet been announced. Bush was to announce his choice at 1 p.m. EDT, said White House spokesman Scott McClellan.

Bernanke is an excellent choice. It will be interesting to see how the Fed now implements his ideas about more transparency in the Fed's communications with financial markets. I am particularly pleased that someone with such a talent and insight for research will be at the head of the Fed's staff of professional economists. I suspect that plenty of his former students are already there.

As usual, Grep Ip provides useful commentary in the Wall Street Journal.

UPDATE: See a sampling of blogger reactions at the WSJ's Econoblog site.

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Via Dan Drezner, I learn that the New York Times has written about Bruce Bartlett's dismissal from the National Center for Policy Analysis. Last December, I wrote of my admiration for Bruce's writing:

In truth, he's more like a blogger than he is a reporter, but perhaps more accurately he is the rare columnist who is the best of both worlds rather than the worst.

[...]

But note that he's an independent thinker--he would very likely offend people across the political spectrum with that one.

I started reading Bruce's columns when I worked at the CEA last year. He's been out in front of the MSM on so many issues--the Medicare bill, outsourcing, tax policy, and others. I wish I had been reading him earlier. His online archive stretches back to 2000. For those of you who arrived here by some way other than Bruce, bookmark the page. Skim it, read it, and enjoy it.

I think that's still good advice and that we should view what has transpired as Bruce being liberated. I hope his newfound freedom from the NCPA will lead to a better placement. I would suggest the New America Foundation, which I think is the most interesting policy think tank in Washington for people with interesting ideas and an ability to write an op-ed. If I had the right zip code and the requisite talent, that's where I would want to be.

Many commentators have picked up on the fissures appearing in the conservative coalition that had come together to put the President in office but now seems unwilling to support the administration going forward. Bruce's need to find a new home is a symptom of that coalition pulling apart. I think we will look back at the summer and early fall and see that the nomination of John Roberts for Chief Justice was the last piece of shared good news for that coalition.

After that, the (collective) ineffectiveness of the government's Katrina relief on the ground, the immediate federal response to throw money at the New Orleans rebuilding, the pressure of the investigations into the conduct of Rove's and Cheney's offices in the Plame affair, and the nomination of Miers to the Supreme Court seem to have buried the White House in the last seven weeks. And it is not clear that anyone's got a shovel to dig them out of the avalanche. Certainly, we cannot hear them digging from the inside.

This is not to say that there were no problems before, but this confluence of bad governance may be a fatal blow to the coalition. And on each of these issues, it has been the White House rather than the Congress calling the shots, and so it is hitting the President particularly hard. As I noted in the spring, in "The Conservative Movement at the Crossroads:"

I'm inclined to support the Republican Party, but the question becomes, how much other stuff do I have to put up with to maintain that identification?

Eventually, it can become too much. And I think I become the object of this parlor game by Brad DeLong, because the most bothersome issues for me are the expansions of federal spending (first) and the lack of a willingness to raise current revenues to pay for it (second).

None of this should be construed to mean that I am a Democrat. I am, in the proud tradition of my home state of New Hampshire, undeclared in matters of national politics.

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Charlie Wheelan, one of ten new columnists at Yahoo Finance, turns his attention in his second column to "congestion pricing" on highways. He argues that we should "raise the price of traffic jams" and offers San Diego as a prototype:

The future of transportation will look a lot like the I-15 FastTrak in San Diego. This expressway has free lanes and HOT (High-Occupancy/Toll) lanes that run parallel. Here's the twist: The price of the HOT lanes fluctuates between $.50 and $4.00 depending on traffic conditions. Carpools use the HOT lanes free at all times.

Your toll for the HOT lanes guarantees a "free flowing" speed of travel. If the HOT lanes begin to get congested, the toll will rise immediately, prompting more drivers to choose the free lanes rather than the HOT lanes. (The toll at any given time is advertised on electronic signs on the side of the road.)

There is a drawback to congestion pricing: The HOT lanes are sometimes referred to as "Lexus lanes" because those with deep pockets care less about $4 than those who are counting their pennies. But don't assume automatically that congestion pricing is bad for people lower on the economic ladder. If a plumber's assistant earning $14 an hour shows up for work half an hour late, he gets docked $7. Or, he can get there on time by using the HOT lanes--with a maximum toll of $4.00. Do the math.

And low-level employees get fined for picking up their kids late from daycare or fired for repeatedly being 15 minutes late. CEOs don't.

I think he's right. Eventually, all crowded highways will incorporate some of the elements. I wonder about the privacy aspects of these systems (whether or not they have congestion pricing), because they can record a person's location at a point in time. Some states seem to be better than others, and the issue is moving beyond just cars.

Wheelan's column is called "The Naked Economist," reflecting his recent book of the same name, which looks to be a great non-technical introduction to the field of economics.

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The Bank of Sweden Prize in Economic Sciences in Memory of Alfred Nobel 2005 was awarded to Robert J. Aumann and Thomas C. Schelling "for having enhanced our understanding of conflict and cooperation through game-theory analysis." The full press release is here.

I am an expert in neither's area of specialty, so I simply recommend to you the fine posts being offered up at Marginal Revolution on Aumann and Schelling, respectively.

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A while ago, I wondered why newspapers bother to have editorial opinions at all. Today's New York Times reminds us why this question is still relevant, with "The Next Alan Greenspan." The relevant paragraphs:

The four names circulating around Washington are Martin Feldstein, a Bush adviser on Social Security and an economics professor at Harvard; Glenn Hubbard, Mr. Bush's former chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers and now dean of Columbia University Business School; Lawrence Lindsey, the former director of the White House National Economic Council; and Ben Bernanke, chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers.

Two of them - Mr. Bernanke and Mr. Feldstein - come with some independent credentials. Mr. Bernanke is deeply conservative, economists say, but respected for independent thinking and not inclined to wear that conservatism on his sleeve. Mr. Feldstein has pushed for Social Security privatization, but in the past criticized deficits run up by Ronald Reagan, for whom he was working at the time, to the everlasting ire of many Republicans. That hardly makes him a shoo-in for the job, but those are exactly the independent traits that Mr. Bush should be looking for if he is indeed serious about appointing a Fed chairman who isn't politically beholden to the White House.

Hopes die hard, so we strongly encourage Mr. Bush to put his money where his mouth is this time around. This job is too important for another taste of cronyism.

An exceptional piece of creative writing, on many levels.

First, I'll take exception to the phrasing of "deeply conservative ... but respected for independent thinking." There is nothing about the words "deeply conservative" that merits the word "but" to connect them to the words "respected for independent thinking."

Second, I'll take exception to the analogous phrasing with regard to Feldstein and Social Security reform. Feldstein has been advocating Social Security reform for over 30 years. (Read this WSJ op-ed from November 1997 to convince yourself that this pre-dates any association of President Bush with the issue.) The Times has confused cause and effect: it would be more accurate to say that the White House is interested in Social Security reform because Feldstein has been advocating for it.

Third, I'll take exception to the insinuation that nominating Glenn Hubbard and Larry Lindsey would be evidence of cronyism. The definition of "cronyism" is:

Favoritism shown to old friends without regard for their qualifications, as in political appointments to office.

Note the phrase "without regard for their qualifications." It's not optional in the definition. So are we to infer that Hubbard and Lindsey have no qualifications, but for the fact that they served as economic principals in the Bush administration? This is easily put to the test. Here is Lindsey's bio. It reports that he was a Governor of the Federal Reserve System for 6 years, after seriving as a Special Assistant to the President in the first Bush White House and a senior staff economist at the CEA. All of this occurred before he served as a principal in the current administration. He seems qualified to me. That doesn't mean I endorse him, or that I think he's the best one for the job. It just means that the Times editorial page is way off base with its insinuation.

Now let's look at Glenn Hubbard's bio and cv. We observe that prior to being CEA chairman in the current administration, he was the author of a leading textbook on financial markets and a deputy assistant secretary at the Treasury. His current position as Dean of Columbia's Business School was foreshadowed by his service as a senior vice dean from 1994-1997. His scholarship is also exceptional, with his 1988 Brookings Paper spawning and entire literature about financial constraints and investment. (I am also a huge fan of his 1999 Journal of Financial Economics article on managerial ownership and firm performance and his 1995 Journal of Political Economy article on precautionary saving and social insurance.) Translation for those at the Times: he's qualified, even if he's not your (or my) first choice.

Perhaps someone should tell the editorial page editors at the Times about Google and what a free and fantastic tool it can be for preventing them from embarrassing themselves with drivel like this. Failing that, perhaps we could ask that they place such exceptional opinion pieces like this behind the Times Select veil of secrecy.

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