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It was almost eight years ago that I started writing about spending on infrastructure as a means of countercyclical fiscal policy. There was an op-ed in The Washington Post, followed by an essay in The Ripon Forum, as the Great Recession was beginning. I returned to it occasionally as the weak recovery and inelegant policy discussions of economic stimulus continued the need for a sensible plan to boost economic activity. This op-ed at U.S. News Economic Intelligence blog is a good example.

In the intervening time period, the American Society of Civil Engineers (ASCE) has updated its quadrennial Infrastructure Report Card. As of 2013, the costs to improve our D+ grade had reached $3.6 trillion. That far exceeds what we allocate to infrastructure investment over a reasonable period, and the additional $275 billion (perhaps coupled with private funds to reach a total of $500 billion) over 5 years that Hillary Clinton has proposed is a small step in the right direction.

What I find interesting about the proposal is less in the details and more in the possible timing. At present, the labor market is cresting. My preferred measure of the labor market is the initial claims for unemployment insurance. The latest estimates are posted each Thursday morning at this page. The latest 4-week moving average of initial claims was 271,000. We have been below 300,000 for over a year now, a threshold which has historically been associated with a growing economy. Between now and 2017, we can expect that series to start creeping back up to values that are less consistent with a growing economy.

So the interesting part of the proposal is that when a new president takes office in January 2017, economic growth will be slowing, and our friends at ASCE will be getting ready to release a new report card showing, I'm sure, an enormous infrastructure gap. Our friends at the Fed will have started to raise short term interest rates (maybe this month?), but they won't be very high by that time and so there won't be much room to cut. We will be relying once again on fiscal policy to smooth out a looming downturn.

I hope that 14 months from now, we are not scrambling around for "shovel ready" projects like we were in 2009. I also hope that our fiscal policy discussions are more elegant than "which expiring tax cuts should we hold our nose and continue to extend?" (correct answer: none, actual answer: almost all of them)

The time to set the stage for better policy options is now. Congress should make a prioritized list of the nation's infrastructure needs from the menu laid out by ASCE and its own objectives for improving sectors like energy, commerce, and transportation. Have the list ready to go in January 2017 when the new president takes office and when the economy will likely benefit most from increased public spending. That we would look like a functioning republic again is just an added bonus.

The American Society of Civil Engineers (ASCE) has released its 2013 Infrastructure Report Card, and the overall grade has inched up from a D in 2009 to a D+ this year. The estimated amount required to address deficiencies (to get a grade of B) is $3.6 trillion by 2020. As this table makes clear, of the $3.6 trillion, only $2.0 trillion is likely to be funded, leaving a $1.6 trillion gap. That's an additional $200 billion per year for eight years.

A lot of the infrastructure we have is at the end of its useful life. We continue to be lucky rather than smart in avoiding widespread failure. This is an important report that should be read and appreciated in Washington. Like many other advanced warnings, it is likely to be ignored until the subject becomes an imminent crisis.

At one level, the inability for the federal government to oversee adequate infrastructure is just another in a long line of failures of government to effectively do the things that even a person who believes in limited government would agree that it should do. Many of these projects, like transportation, energy, parks, drinking water, education, and waste management, have characteristics of public goods.

At another level, the continued deficiencies in infrastructure are a missed opportunity. This is a subject I have been following for over five years, in the context of what policy makers should have done differently with fiscal policy as the Great Recession began.  In two op-eds in early 2008, one in the Washington Post and the other in the Ripon Forum, I pointed out the connection between capital projects and how to deal with economic downturns. The prevailing wisdom for what to do during a downturn was deficit spending to boost economic activity in ways that are "timely, targeted, and temporary." I thought this was short-sighted -- the right thing to do during a downturn is to advance forward capital projects that have already been planned over a window of several years. You can only do that if you have made those plans. Good luck with that in a Washington policy-making climate that cannot agree on anything constructive.

What is saddest about today's report is that we are no closer to having a well defined plan for replacing antiquated infrastructure or adding critical infrastructure than we were four years ago. I wish more people in Washington would have appreciated the following simple insight. The best reason to do infrastructure spending in a downturn is not because of some mythical Keynesian multiplier. The best reason to do it is because you have to do it at some point and the cheapest time to do it is in a recession, when both labor and capital are underutilized and available more cheaply than in business cycle upturns.

In fairness to the Obama Administration, key advisers recognized the need for more government spending as the depth of the Great Recession became more apparent. It started with a change in language, as Larry Summers dropped the "timely, targeted, and temporary" mantra in late 2008 and substituted "speedy, substantial, and sustained over a several-year interval." But it wasn't clear to me at that point that the Obama team had connected this to infrastructure when they designed the stimulus bill that passed as the American Reinvestment and Recovery Act in early 2009. Provisions for "shovel-ready" projects and an infrastructure reinvestment bank are fine, but what ASCE's report makes clear is that these efforts are too modest. Even as the connection was made to infrastructure and the Obama Administration joined what I referred to as the "build while it's cheap chorus," the sheer dollars being proposed were too small, even today, compared to what the ASCE estimates we need.

My favorite saying is, "The best time to plant a tree is 20 years ago. The second best time is today." With economic growth still tepid and unemployment still above 7.5 percent, let's hope the newest report card is enough to motivate a renewed effort in Washington to combine sound fiscal policy with proper oversight of public goods and address this growing problem.

I've started contributing occasional posts to the Economic Intelligence blog at U.S. News and World report.  My first post takes note of the fact that the Great Recession began five years ago and revisits a number of themes about fiscal policy and dealing with downturns that I have been blogging about for almost as long.  Here's the motivation for the birthday wishes:

The mantra that guided both the small stimulus legislation signed by President George W. Bush in January 2008 and the much larger stimulus legislation signed by President Barack Obama a year later was that fiscal stimulus should be "timely, targeted, and temporary." The Brookings Institution went so far as to publish a primer on fiscal stimulus emphasizing this approach. One can only hope that with five years of hindsight and a continuing struggle to recover from the Great Recession, this approach has been discredited. 

I also spent some time discussing the fiscal cliff on a radio program last evening.  Listen here.

The title of the post refers to this article by Associated Press writer Andrew Taylor, "Huge Tax Increase Looms at Year-End 'Fiscal Cliff.'"  The purpose of the article seems to be to report on the findings of a study released yesterday by the Tax Policy Center, "Toppling Off the Fiscal Cliff: Whose Taxes Rise and How Much?"  The study is worth your time.  The article is not.

I am wondering whether it is standard practice in schools of journalism to encourage this style of writing (emphasis added):

Taxpayers across the income spectrum will get slammed with increases totaling more than $500 billion — a more than 20 percent increase — with nine out of 10 households being affected by the expiration of tax cuts enacted under both President Barack Obama and his predecessor, George W. Bush.

[...]

Monday's study, by the independent Tax Policy Center, deals with the immediate increases set to slap taxpayers in January under the existing framework of the tax code.

[...]

Few are talking of renewing Obama's payroll tax cut, even though that would mean a healthy tax increase for many working people. Working families with modest incomes would be hit hard as the child tax credit would shrink from a maximum of $1,000 per child to $500.

The world is complicated enough without reporters using violent language to describe non-violent events.  Running deficits in perpetuity is not a civil right.  The simple facts of the matter are that for over a decade, policy makers have been able to agree only on ways to lower tax revenues through the income and payroll tax systems, not on how to raise them.  They chose to do so by enacting temporary measures.  The failure of the anything-but-super committee to accomplish its objectives has brought this poor style of policy making to defense expenditures as well.   Many of these measures would not have passed if they had been described as permanent from the beginning.  In eight years of blogging, I have never defended this last decade of fiscal policy.

So what is looming is simply a reversion back to an older tax code.  We should let that reversion happen, as dictated by prior legislation.  Starting from that new baseline, we can ask the question of what productive uses of deficit spending we might have available.  The answer is the same now as it was nearly five years ago.

... think again.  On Friday, Treasury and CEA released an updated report showing the value of infrastructure investment.  It is broadly similar in its conclusions to the recommendations that some of us have been making for over four years.  And yet today, the House passes the weakest of transportation bills -- another 90-day stopgap.  The scarce commodity in Washington is leadership, the ability to translate knowledge into productive action.