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Via my former partner in crime, Phill Swagel, I learn that Bradley Belt, executive director of the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation, has submitted his resignation. To find out why, you could read the letter and get to the phrase "the time has come to pursue other opportunities." Or you could read his remarks to the National Association of Business Economics from ten days ago. Everything up to the statement "But there is hope ..." constitutes one of the best expositions of why we face these troubles in the defined benefit universe. My tenure in DC overlapped very briefly with Belt's, and I wish him well.

The shorter version of Belt's remarks is that the entirety of pension regulation is set up to distort and minimize the impact of economic conditions on the firm's reported pension liabilities. He takes particular aim at smoothing of asset and liability values:

And thus we come to another figment of imagination in pension-land—smoothing. “Smoothing” is a seductive marketing word. It conveys the sense that we are sparing investors from the rude jolt they would receive if pension losses were reported at full value and saving companies from the terrible burden of repairing pension deficits as quickly as they were created.

In the accounting context, smoothing allows companies to show pension losses to investors in small slivers over time rather than all at once. This helps make a company’s reported earnings look smoother as well, which is to say, more divorced from economic reality. But if we have learned anything from recent economic history, it is that attempting to manage reported earnings leads to trouble. Going back a few years further, would we have avoided the need for an S&L bailout if we had allowed thrifts to smooth interest-rate spikes over a several year period? Would the economic reality of their asset and liability mismatch have been any different? In the pension context, it should be a wake-up call when the deputy chief accountant of the SEC derides smoothing for its potential to render financial statements “meaningless.”

But as problematic as smoothing may be in the pension accounting context, in some ways it is even worse in the pension funding context.

Under the pension funding rules contained in ERISA and the Internal Revenue Code, a company can skip needed contributions to its pension plan on the grounds that “smoothed” assets and liabilities make the plan look well-funded. When followed by a corporate bankruptcy, this policy of ignoring economic reality and failing to make needed contributions can lead to devastating losses of retirement income for long-serving employees.

On the asset side, the funding rules allow companies to use values smoothed over five years. The only constraint is that the market value of the assets cannot be more than twenty percent different than the so-called “actuarial” value of assets. In practice, this means a pension plan with $1.2 billion in liabilities and $1.2 billion in “actuarial” assets may not be fully funded but rather $200 million short of what’s needed to pay promised benefits. If I tried to pay my bills with the “actuarial” value of my bank account, I’d be bouncing checks left and right—which, unfortunately, is what some companies are doing with their pension plans.

If anything, the situation is even more perverse on the liability side. Companies are permitted to calculate the present value of their pension liability using the four-year average of a corporate bond index. It should go without saying that interest rates from four years ago have absolutely nothing to do with the value of the pension liability today (or tomorrow). This is akin to driving down the highway at a high rate of speed looking only in the rear-view mirror.

Still, I can understand why plan sponsors want the flexibility afforded by smoothing the discount rate. It is a fact of life that pension liabilities are extremely sensitive to movements in interest rates. If the discount rate drops by one hundred basis points, that can easily drive up liabilities by ten percent or more. Better to “smooth in” that rate drop slowly over time to avoid unpleasant hiccups in the plan’s funded status. Of course hiding the volatility doesn’t mean it isn’t there.

Without these (and other) smoothing mechanisms, the argument is made that companies won’t be able to “predict” their pension contributions and won’t be able to budget accordingly. This is a particularly fascinating line of reasoning. How can a CFO of an airline possibly function without being able to “predict” future oil prices? Or the CFO of an auto manufacturer with respect to steel prices? Or the CFO of a multinational enterprise that has to deal with currency fluctuations? Or, perhaps most similarly, a bank or insurance company CFO whose business is especially sensitive to changes in interest rates?

Ah, say the inhabitants of pension-land, but our obligations are “long term.” These benefits are going to be paid out over decades, so there’s no need to value the liability based on what interest rates are doing today.

Nonsense. I want to know the market value of my house today even if I have a thirty-year mortgage and plan to live in it for another thirty years—it affects my net worth and my ability to borrow. Moreover, there’s always the chance that I may have to sell my house earlier than I expected.

Similarly, workers and retirees need to know the funded status of the pension plan today even if the benefits are going to be paid out over thirty years. Not only should it affect their planning for retirement, but there’s always the possibility that their company may go bankrupt and turn its pension plan over to the PBGC. I can assure you: At that point a liability calculation based on interest rates from the year 2002 is utterly meaningless and misleading. Yes, most pension obligations are long term. But, there have been more than 160,000 standard terminations of fully funded plans over the past thirty years. There have been 3,600 terminations of underfunded pension plans. Ask the participants in these plans whether these are necessarily long-term obligations.

The argument that something other than the current market values of assets and liabilities should be reflected on corporate financial statements is bizarre. I suppose it comes from an idea that a corporation should not have to suffer the consequences of reporting the impact of return volatility in its pension funds because ... it is doing the world a favor by sponsoring the pension. Paraphrasing Belt, that's "nonsense." It is only doing the world a favor if it does bear the consequences of that volatility. Those consequences should drive it to fully fund its liabilities and duration match its assets and liabilities (e.g., in a heavily bond rather than equity portfolio). Only then would it really be doing the world a favor and merit the substantial tax advantage of the pension relative to other forms of compensation.

More on pensions tomorrow, focusing on the GM/UAW deal.

For the trouble of having to wade through all of the details of the pension reform bill now being gutted in House-Senate conference, Mary Williams Walsh gets a Voxy. I remember working on the early stages of this reform effort while at CEA. It started out simply enough:

With a strong directive from the Bush administration, Congress set out more than a year ago to fashion legislation that would protect America's private pension system, tightening the rules to make sure companies set aside enough money to make good on their promises to employees.

Enter the Congressional porkfest, and what do we now have?

Then the political horse-trading began, with lawmakers, companies and lobbyists, representing everything from big Wall Street firms to tiny rural electric cooperatives, weighing in on the particulars of the Bush administration's blueprint.

In the end, lawmakers modified many of the proposed rules, allowing companies more time to cover pension shortfalls, to make more forgiving estimates about how much they will owe workers in the future, and even sometimes to assume that their workers will die younger than the rest of the population.

On top of those changes, companies also persuaded lawmakers to add dozens of specific measures, including a multibillion-dollar escape clause for the nation's airlines and a special exemption for the makers of Smithfield Farms hams.

As a result, the bill now being completed in a House-Senate conference committee, rather than strengthening the pension system, would actually weaken it, according to a little-noticed analysis by the government's pension agency. The agency's report projects that the House and Senate bills would lower corporate contributions to the already underfinanced pension system by $140 billion to $160 billion in the next three years.

Two excerpts from the article say it best:

"It takes a better economist than me to understand how reducing contributions by that much is going to protect benefits and put the system on a sounder footing," said Jeremy I. Bulow, an economist at Stanford University.

That's actually funny, since there are no demonstrably better economists than Jeremy Bulow. And then we have the author's own attempt to make sense of this:

Someone must pay for this. Currently, the pension agency finances itself in part through the insurance premiums that companies are required to pay into the system. Raising the premiums to support pilots or help other victims of corporate bankruptcies, some companies in other industries are starting to say, would be unfair.

This is the contemptible legislative impulse to favor the special interest over the general interest. Read the whole thing and be amazed at how unprincipled the House and Senate are being.

The President has been losing credibility on several issues related to finances as of late. He could get some of it back if he would simply VETO this monster and send it back to the sty. If for no other reason, he should do it to show respect for the many people in his administration who worked diligently on a much better blueprint for reform.

For my own views on how to reform the defined benefit pension system, see these earlier posts.

So goes the title of the latest Econoblog, where Mark Thoma of Economist's View and I discuss the changing resources and expectations of social insurance. The teaser:

For many years, workers could manage their medical expenses with employer-provided health insurance and Medicare and look forward to underwriting their golden years with payments from a defined-benefit pension and Social Security.

But the landscape of social insurance is shifting. Many large corporations are moving their employees from traditional pensions to riskier 401(k)s and asking workers to pay more out of their own pockets for health insurance. At the same time, Social Security and Medicare, the two venerable entitlement programs, are facing growing demographic strains as the vast baby boom generation reaches retirement age.

The Wall Street Journal Online asked economist bloggers Mark Thoma and Andrew Samwick to explore how we how arrived at this point and discuss what workers and retirees might expect in the future, as the composition of the social safety net continues to shift.

Thanks to Mark for exchanging ideas. Enjoy!

I confess that I am far removed from the NYC transit strike, and so I have not been following the details. But this item in the New York Times is just sad. The issue seems to be the pension plan. The key paragraph:

The strike began after talks between the union and the transportation authority were halted Monday night after the union rejected the authority's last offer. The authority had agreed to drop its previous demand to raise the retirement age for a full pension to 62 for new transit employees, up from 55 for current employees, but said it expected all future transit workers to pay 6 percent of their wages toward their pensions, up from the current 2 percent.

If this is right, the remaining issue is whether new employees (i.e., NOT the ones currently on strike) will have to pay 6 rather than 2 percent of their wages for the same pension benefits as those currently employed. For people they've never met, who might be willing to work under the new terms, they cost the city hundreds of millions a day? Not the way to score points.

In fairness to the employees-to-be-named later, I wouldn't want a 6 percent contributory pension to be managed by a public bureacracy. Give the new employees a 401(k) plan with an employer match on the first 6 percent of wages contributed and let that be the end of it.

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Courtesy of the New York Times, we have, "Pension Officers Putting Billions into Hedge Funds." This is just a bad situation getting worse. Defined benefit pension plan sponsors are in a hole and continue to dig--someone should take away the shovel. Let's be clear from the onset:

1) I do not have any major issues with defined benefit pensions per se. If corporations want to sponsor them and workers will accept them in lieu of cash wages, then so be it. My own research contradicts the widespread perception that DB pensions offer the typical worker a better retirement outcome than DC pensions, given the way people contribute to them and invest them. They also make the firm's financial statements a bit more complicated.

2) I do not object to corporations making investments in hedge funds, if that's what the shareholders want to do. It is not my preference, because the impact of the investments on the firm's financial statements might make performance evaluation more difficult. But that's a small complaint.

3) I do not object in principle to PBGC insurance, but I do object to the way it is implemented. The insurance premium is too low on average, is inadequately related to the amount of underfunding, and is completely unrelated to the investment mix of the fund's assets. That premium structure, combined with lax funding standards, is what has put the PBGC in its current predicament, even without hedge fund investments.

The cocktail comprised of equal parts (1) - (3) is a vile brew. And the interaction with the political process will be a disaster. From the article:

While most pension plans have modest stakes in hedge funds, others have invested more than 20 percent of their assets. Weyerhaeuser, the paper company, has 39 percent of its pension fund's assets in hedge funds. In Congress, there has been a push for amendments that would make it easier for hedge funds to manage even more pension money, without having to comply with the federal law that governs company pensions.

Such a bad idea. So now the PBGC won't be able to figure out whether it is offering portfolio insurance to Long Term Capital Management? Continuing with the article:

Weyerhaeuser's big position has significant benefits for the company. Accounting rules let companies factor expected pension returns into their operating income; Weyerhaeuser's hedge-fund-laden portfolio allows it to claim expected annual returns of 9.5 percent. By comparison, the 100 largest companies that sponsor pension funds predicted last year that their average long-term returns would be 8.5 percent, according to Milliman Inc., an actuarial firm.

For Weyerhaeuser, each 0.5 percent increase in the expected rate of return is worth an additional $21 million to the company's pretax income this year, according to S.E.C. filings. Weyerhaeuser did not respond to phone inquiries about its hedge fund investments, but said in S.E.C. filings that its actual pension investment returns more than justify its assumption of 9.5 percent.

The article is missing the point here--the higher the rate of return the company can assume on its pension assets, the lower the contributions it needs to make today. Note that funding rules do not require any reserve to be accumulated to protect against the extra risk associated with the higher returns, nor do PBGC insurance premiums go up due to the added risk. So to the corporation, this looks like free money.

And finally, more bad news from Congress:

In Washington, despite concerns over the health of the nation's pension system, there has been little discussion of pension plans' growing use of nontraditional investments. Even as Congress has been working to shore up the pension system and strengthen the Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation, a provision to relax the pension law for hedge funds has been proposed.

The provision would raise the limit on how much pension money a hedge fund can handle before it is deemed a fiduciary under the pension law, which would require it to be more prudent and careful than is required under securities law and would bar some trades entirely. The provision was added to a broad pension bill in the House shortly before the Committee on Education and the Workforce approved the legislation.

Currently a financial institution becomes a pension fiduciary when more than 25 percent of its assets consist of pension money; the bill would raise that to 50 percent.

That's just sad. We should be heading in the other direction: pushing corporate DB sponsors to use a term-structure of riskless Treasuries to value and fund their liabilities. At some point, somewhere, someone is going to have to pay the true economic cost of their activities.

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In a post regarding "The End of Pensions," Brad DeLong notes:

I think Andrew misses an additional important aspect of the situation. When pension funds (and health benefit programs) become large relative to the size of the firm, the retired and the sick join the bondholders and the stockholders as claimants on the firm's cash flow, but the retired and the sick don't have any place in the firm's corporate governance structure, and claimants on a firm's cash flow should have a place somewhere.

I agree. Last April, I suggested that DB plan participants be moved ahead of all other unsecured claimants in bankruptcy, in the context of how to protect current and past workers if the PBGC were eliminated. I don't know if that's enough, but it is a start, and I would equally well recommend it for all deferred compensation claims of rank-and-file workers, including retiree health benefits.

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Roger Lowenstein is an interesting contributor the New York Times magazine. In Sunday's article, with the same title as this post, he investigates the status of the employer-provided pension system, from both private and state- and local-government employers. On balance, I suggest reading the whole thing, though I do disagree with several of the conclusions he draws along the way. I explained my views on pension insurance in April, and I still have those views. In fact, this passage is directly relevant, and the thrust of it is missing from Lowenstein's article:

Defined benefit (DB) pension plans pay out benefits to retirees (and often survivors and occasionally the disabled) based on formulas that may increase with age, years of service, and earnings. The obligations look like the payment stream from a bond. In fact, a pension sponsor with a steady aggregate earnings profile and employee hiring and turnover could fully fund the liabilities and insure against risk with a portfolio heavily weighted toward bonds.

There is therefore no need for formal pension insurance. The government already provides the means for any conscientious pension sponsor to (nearly) fully insure. Every defined benefit pension plan has the opportunity to invest in Treasuries, to avoid the rate-of-return risk inherent in every other investment opportunity. With Treasuries [maturities] of a long enough maturity, the pension sponsor can even choose Treasuries to match the duration of its fund to those of its obligations, so that even shifts in the riskless rate of return do not affect its pension plan's financial position.

If you wanted to figure out what the cost of funding a pension plan with a given formula is, you would need to calculate the required annual contribution under the assumption that the pension plan sponsor were following the duration-matched Treasury investment strategy. The federal government shares the cost of this investment by allowing the pension fund to accumulate at the pre-tax rather than the post-tax return. (It also defers the employee's tax liability on compensation taken through a pension plan.)

Any deviation from this funding strategy should be examined with suspicion. The biggest deviation is to invest some of the fund in equities. This allows pension plan sponsors to assume a higher average return on the plan's assets and thus reduce contributions required to support it. This strategy is okay, as long as the pension fund is small relative to the firm's assets, so that the firm can make up the shortfall if the fund's asset values drop. As the article points out, we are learning that this isn't necessarily the case with a lot of the airline, steel, and auto companies. Almost by definition, it is not the case when a company approaches bankruptcy.

The problem is nicely illustrated by this passage from Lowenstein's article:

G.M. and other industrial companies, along with their unions, have harshly attacked the Bush pension proposal, which would force many old-economy-type corporations to put more money into their pension funds just when their basic businesses are hurting.

Well, no kidding. The industrial companies and their unions that encouraged them have no one to blame but themselves for their current troubles. They used their pension funds as speculative investment vehicles, and the combination of low interest rates, sagging stock market values, and optimistic funding assumptions put them in this position. Who but their shareholders and workers should be asked to make those additional contributions?

The government has decided through ERISA that it will permit the investment of pension funds in equities and subject plan sponsors to a set of minimum funding rules and require them to purchase (vastly underpriced) PBGC insurance. This is a bad strategy, in my view, because of the numerous ways to game it, which Lowenstein's article discusses in good detail. It creates the appearance that someone else is responsible for these companies, and that may ultimately prove to be the reality, with the taxpayers being asked to step in to make up the shortfall.

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It has finally happened. The Pension Benefit Guaranty Corporation (PBGC) has assumed responsibility for the four defined benefit (DB) pension plans at United Airlines. The impact, as reported in The New York Times is as follows:

The federal government said yesterday that it had reached an agreement to take over all four of United Airlines' employee pension plans, with a shortfall of $9.8 billion, making it the biggest pension failure since the government began insuring pension benefits in 1974.

Because the PBGC caps the benefit amounts it insures, only $6.6 billion of this amount is guaranteed, but even that hit to its balance sheet will increase the PBGC's net deficit (reported as $23.3 billion last September) substantially. Plus, we can now expect all of the other legacy airlines to seek the same sort of treatment from the PBGC.

However, there has been a tendency in news reports to suggest that the American taxpayer is somehow on the hook for this money. That isn't true, unless the federal government passes new legislation to make it true. At present, it is the rest of the DB pension sponsors in the PBGC-insured universe who are on the hook. As the PBGC's press release explains:

By law, the PBGC is required to keep premiums as low as possible and has no call on the U.S. Treasury beyond a $100 million line of credit. ...

The PBGC is a federal corporation created under the Employee Retirement Income Security Act of 1974. It currently guarantees payment of basic pension benefits for about 44 million American workers and retirees participating in over 31,000 private-sector defined benefit pension plans.

Pension insurance--not the idea but its implementation, and certainly not the dedicated people who work at the PBGC--is a complete joke. There are three problem's with the PBGC's setup:

1) The premium amounts are too low. On average, companies do not pay enough to cover the risk to which they expose the PBGC.
2) The premium formula is inadequately linked to underfunding. Pension sponsors whose plans are underfunded do pay slightly more in premiums than pension sponsors whose plans are fully funded, but the amount of additional premiums does not adequately compensate the PBGC for the added risk of a claim.
3) The premium formula is unrelated to the PBGC's risk exposure--the portfolio allocation between stocks and bonds and the bankruptcy risk of the company.

There are some extremely smart people working on pension insurance, both at the PBGC and outside. The issue is not that we couldn't figure out how to charge the appropriate premiums. The issue is entirely that Congress will never allow the PBGC to charge actuarially fair premiums. That would put too large of a burden on key political constituencies. United would have been paying enormous premiums over the past few years. Airline, steel, autos--these are the industries that have been least responsible in funding their pension plans. So this is what we get--subsidized risk-taking at the expense of responsible plan sponsors.

Defined benefit (DB) pension plans pay out benefits to retirees (and often survivors and occasionally the disabled) based on formulas that may increase with age, years of service, and earnings. The obligations look like the payment stream from a bond. In fact, a pension sponsor with a steady aggregate earnings profile and employee hiring and turnover could fully fund the liabilities and insure against risk with a portfolio heavily weighted toward bonds.

With PBGC insurance, the company has an incentive to invest in a portfolio heavily weighted toward stocks. If the stocks do well, the company can cut back on future contributions. If the stocks do poorly, then in some cases, the company can terminate the plan and leave the liability with the PBGC. Classic moral hazard. When the economy goes through a period of weak stock market returns (so the pension fund's assets fall in value) and low interest rates (so the present value of the future liabilities rise in value), we get tremendous underfunding. And the laws governing minimum pension contributions don't require pension sponsors to make up the difference quickly enough.

What to do? Impose a levy on each DB pension plan sponsor that is proportional to the current value of all past PBGC premiums paid for current participants. Impose the levy based on 2004 data, so there is no rush to the exit. The levy should be enough to put the PBGC at a zero balance position. Then retire the PBGC and allow companies to obtain pension insurance privately if they so desire. For current sponsors, pass a law that moves pension participants' claims in bankruptcy ahead of all unsecured creditors. If this means that fewer firms offer DB pensions, then so be it. Unhealthy companies--like United--ought not to be making promises to pay beneficiaries decades into the future.

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