Author: World Outlook

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After the Arab Spring

By Spencer Blair

Professor Marc Lynch, a professor in the departments of Political Science and International Affairs at George Washington University, regrets coining the term “Arab Spring.” Professor Lynch, who gave a talk in Haldeman on Monday, October 28 called “After the Arab Spring,” was the first to use the term to describe a trend toward democracy in the Arab world in an article on his blog for Foreign Policy.

Lynch renounces the term simply because, while he has an optimistic vision for the Middle East’s long-term future, the 2011 uprisings have not contributed to democratization in the Middle East, and the short-term political future looks bleak in several of these countries, especially Egypt and Syria.

Despite the title “After the Arab Spring,” Lynch acknowledged that much of his talk was devoted to the cause of the Arab Spring, something Lynch attributed largely to the rise of social media. Lynch described the world before the rise of the Internet, in which acceptance of oppressive government was the only feasible political stance, because citizens of Middle Eastern countries under oppressive regimes had no way to educate or organize. Any sort of dissent was quashed immediately and never publicized, and television and radio contained nothing more than positive political coverage of a state’s oppressive leaders.

Expanded technology and the rise of social media, however, revolutionized the relationship between government and citizen, and instances of dissent went viral thanks to a brief Youtube clip or Facebook post. While the 2011 uprisings resulted from a series of complex political, historical, and social factors, the uprisings occurred when they did due to the concurrence of the regime oppression with the peak of social media’s prevalence and relevance in the region.

After the uprisings, Lynch argued, is where everything went wrong, resulting in the highly unfavorable political and social climate that plagues the region today. The changes that occurred following the uprisings were so substantial that returning to the former regime would have been impossible in nearly every country affected, but the upheaval resulted in a rise of Islamist governments rather than the intended democratization. In fact, Lynch and many others now use the term “Islamist winter” to describe the rise of Islamist governments following the initial upheaval, a far cry from the intended democratization of the movement.

The long-term political future that faces these nations is not overwhelmingly bleak, Lynch argues, because eventually these Islamist governments will face similar backlash to that faced by the authoritarian regimes that preceded them, and eventually the environment will be favorable enough for the unfinished business of democratization to occur. For now, however, political strife and anti-democratic behavior is destined to plague the nations that faced political uprisings in 2011 due to the failure of post-upheaval democratization – the lack of a true “Arab Spring.”

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Marc Lynch on the Arab Uprising

By Max Lu

The lecture delivered by Mark Lynch on the Arab uprising was absolutely fascinating because he provided an entirely different perspective from the mainstream media.

He talked at length about the historical context surrounding the Arab uprising, specifically how the underlying conditions for protest have existed for several decade. Based on this, he argued that the term “Arab Spring” that has been in common usage is actually inaccurate. Furthermore, he says that more protests will erupt in the future because none of the underlying problems have actually been addressed.

He also talked at length about the role of technology in protests. He analyzed the role that Al Jazeera originally had on the Arab public, and the role it continues to play today. He explained how the proliferation of mobile phones, the Internet, and social media expanded on that trend and substantially government control over the flow of information and the public discourse in the Arab world.

After defining the foundation of the protest, he analyzed individual countries and compared the paths that they took. He first pointed out the extreme similarity between the path taken by Tunisia and Egypt, then explained how no other country took a similar path. He talked about the ongoing situation in Syria and how that is affecting its neighbors, the region, and the operational capability of terrorists.

The final part of his lecture focused on the limited influence of US foreign policy on the situation in the Middle East. He argued that American military intervention in Syria would really have limited influence because the US cannot change many of the fundamental forces interacting on the ground.

He also showed that he was very knowledgeable during the question and answer session, drawing from his firsthand knowledge in the region to analyze questions ranging from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict to US relations with Saudi Arabia. Overall, it was an excellent lecture that provided a fresh perspective to an important issue.

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A Conversation with Steve Coll

By Bryan Thomson

“Even Snowden didn’t understand most of what was on his flash drive.”

In an era when hotly contested NSA leaks have sparked debates over surveillance and the effectiveness and morality of antiterrorism campaigns, journalism has a critical role. On Thursday in Filene Auditorium, Director of the Dickey Center Daniel Benjamin interviewed Steve Coll about journalism in the modern world. Coll, a contributing columnist to the New Yorker and the Dean of the Graduate School of Journalism at Columbia University, argued that journalism is going through an extreme transformation in the face of new technology, changes in policy, and massive data drops from self-proclaimed martyrs, whistleblowers and exiles like Assange and Snowden. Coll himself in researching for his books Ghost Wars, Private Empire: Exxon Mobile and American Power, and The Bin Ladens: An Arabian Family in the American Century, has experience working with ‘closed organizations,’ where data can only be obtained by “chipping away” from the outside. In researching the Bin Laden family, Coll found that the secrecy of the family and Saudi Arabian governments meant that foreign court documents were the only available windows into the family’s past. Coll’s methods of research and compilation – his firsthand experience observing the lives of Saudi Arabia’s new superrich and creation of a multigenerational tale of the Bin Ladens – exemplifies traditional journalism.

The modern world of media looks to be filled increasingly less with journalists like Coll, and more with those like Julian Assange. Organizations like Wikileaks opt to post all information, regardless of consequences. Instead of searching for patterns and investigating one item at a time, more people are prioritizing transparency over exploring questions of public interest.

Not only has the face of journalism changed, but the conditions under which the media operate have as well. Coll contends that until recently, journalism had followed a relatively static set of rules and procedures that favor anonymity and eliminate prior restraint, as were legalized by the Supreme Court in their decisions in NYT v. Sullivan (1964) and NYT v. United States (1971). Coll contends that the Obama administration and Attorney General Holder have ‘eviscerated’ freedom of the press by refusing to allow outlets to protect their sources. The largest change to the previously stable system, though, is that journalists are being asked to determine if their work contains sensitive materials. What does this responsibility mean for the future of journalism?

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New directions in German politics

By Kristy Choi

On October 15th, former US Ambassador to Germany Philip Murphy came to speak at Dartmouth as part of the Walter Picard lecture series. During his lecture he discussed the results of the recent German national elections and the importance of the political and economic ties between the U.S. and Germany. He spoke fondly of his time working with Director of the Dickey Center, Daniel Benjamin, in the State Department and about his conversations with faculty of the German Department at Dartmouth the previous night.  He joked about feeling like he had just left the witness protection program because he felt out of touch with America after having been in Germany for so long.  He strongly urged students to travel and spoke highly of the foreign service as a career.

During the lecture which was entitled, “The New Shape of Germany,” Ambassador Murphy spoke about how in the 80s, “Berlin loomed large.”  He spoke about two myths that have permeated since the fall of the Berlin wall:

1. Because the wall is no longer there, the world is safe and uncomplicated.

2. America is not as close to Germany as it used to be.

In addressing these issues, he emphasized two key areas of interest:  the security sector and economic sector.   The security arc for Germany played out mostly as expected in that Germany eventually rebuilt its military power and later helped lead in the NATO mission to Kosovo and the invasion of Afghanistan.  However, the economic arc was not as predicted.  Germany “stumbled, it reformed, and then it soared.”   Much to the world’s surprise, Germany outpaced its European peers to become the central hub of European economic activity.

This new geo-strategic shape has made Germany instrumental in the global economic crisis and crucial as an ally of the United States. Ambassador Murphy felt strongly that Germany would continue to back the Euro, but not at any price. Germans would be willing to act, but only if they feel like everyone was playing by the same rules.  He felt this not only reflected the Greek bailout, but the approach they have taken to every decision in the wake of the global recession.  However, Ambassador Murphy also recognized that they are already deeply entrenched in the bailout process, likening it to being halfway across a river, “there’s no going back.”

Ambassador Murphy noted that the world was rife with challenges.  They may not have been the same challenges envisioned thirty years ago, but nevertheless they exist.   While the risks associated with these challenges are substantial and it may take longer than hoped to meet them, Ambassador Murphy is ultimately optimistic about the future and he is adamant in his convictions.

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Dinner Discussion with General Mattis

By Feyaad Allie

mattis

Last Friday evening, General James Mattis, retired commander of US Central Command, sat down for a dinner and discussion with members of World Outlook. From this experience, I gained invaluable insight into different viewpoints regarding American policy in the Middle East.

Not surprisingly, General Mattis was called upon to speak about the current situation in Syria. He emphasized that when considering any intervention; the US government must articulate specific goals. He contended that a lack of defined objectives makes it difficult to even consider intervening, no matter the circumstances – leading to questions about the moral imperative in the case of human rights abuses. Mattis responded that since America is not fiscally stable, it is difficult for human rights issues to be a top priority. He asserted that intervention would require cutting domestic costs or borrowing more money from Beijing, both of which are undesirable. Though I didn’t entirely agree with the General’s lack of emphasis on the moral arguments in his assessment of Syria, I did think he offered valid points to consider. The Syrian crisis is a delicate situation and warrants careful thought. The dinner with General Mattis reaffirmed for me that there is no ideal way to handle the conflict.

Other points of interest from the discussion were General Mattis’ justifications for continuing US involvement in the Middle East: 1) US allies, such as Israel and Jordan; 2) the presence of oil; 3) the existence of violent extremism; and 4) the US’ ability to facilitate peace talks. These reasons highlighted the importance of remaining engaged with the Middle East.

Overall, the dinner discussion emphasized the necessity of US involvement in the Middle East and the complexity of issues in that region.

 

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General James Mattis Gives Public Lecture at Dartmouth

By Justin Roshak

For those of us who came of age during the late Bush administration, the world is dominated by two conflicting sentiments. First, American military and economic hegemony gives us hope that we might use them to do good. Second, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan make us deeply suspicious of American imperialism. This past Wednesday, General James Mattis, retired commander of U.S. Central Command, gave a lecture at Dartmouth entitled, “In the Midst of the Storm: A U.S. Commander’s View of the Changing Middle East.” I found it supremely valuable to hear from a man who has stood on the front lines of the past decade of war and hope, disappointment and progress.

During this lecture, Gen. Mattis spoke about US foreign policy and military action in the Middle East and  below I’ve sketched out some of the critical takeaway points from his discussion:

On Egypt: Undeniable setbacks. The road to democracy is long, and there is room for both hope and disappointment.

On Syria: Assad must go, but what replaces him may not be to out liking. Men regularly betray their countries, but rarely abandon their religion.

On Iran: Detente may be near, but Iran must behave responsibly, less like a revolutionary cause and more like a sovereign state.

The United States has, he said, an international responsibility to maintain stability. That means working with perhaps unsavory regimes, supporting positive change where we can, and maintaing a healthy sense of its limitations. The 200,000 soldiers, sailors, and flyers of CENTCOM are only one half of US power, for they stay at the pleasure of the allies.

He spoke movingly about the ethical foundations of the United States armed forces, and urged us not to condemn the vast majority of determined, moral young men and women for the crimes of a few. “We fix our mistakes” he said, and that struggle towards an ideal is a source of great strength. The US volunteer soldier has, he said with visible pride, a remarkable capacity to keep cool in terrible circumstances. Once he approached a young man under fire and, asking him what was happening, he replied that he was “taking the fun out of fundamentalism”. That calm in the face of danger, he said, means keeping to moral restraint.

Practicality must rule the day. We can support moral diplomacy without wasting our time, money, and lives, but “America has no moral imperative to do the impossible” Ultimately, the level of American engagement will be dictated by the American people. We have resources to secure our economic and moral interests, but there must be political will to do so.

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Live from the Mediclinic Heart Hospital in Pretoria, South Africa

By Feyaad Allie

For two months this summer I lived and worked in the rural South African village of Gottenburg in the Mpumalanga Province through a company called ThinkImpact. I collaborated with community members to explore local problems and how to address them through market-based solutions. Specifically, a group of villagers, another student, and I created a business to teach local high school students the details about preparing and applying to universities and obtaining scholarships to do so. After this two-month internship in rural South Africa, I spent a day in Pretoria, one of the nation’s three capital cities. There, I visited the Mediclinic Heart Hospital, where Nelson Mandela is currently staying. Here are some photos from my visit.
 
Seen here is the front of the hospital, where there were numerous posters, cards, and signs from local companies, schools, organizations, and individuals.
 
Even the sign for the Mediclinic Heart Hospital was covered in messages from the people to Mandela. Many of them expressed the public’s desire for the leader to get better and praised his work for South Africa.
 
Across the street from the hospital, there were over 30 tents and vans from various media sources. My friends and I spoke to a few reporters, who told us that some had been at the hospital for over 50 days. They were waiting for updates on Mandela’s condition and watching to see who would enter the hospital to visit him.
 
After I spoke with a BBC reporter about my time in South Africa and Nelson Mandela, he decided to interview me. He asked when I first learned about Mandela, what Americans know about Mandela, and whether I thought there could be another leader like Mandela in the future.
 
Before departing from the hospital we left a card for Mandela where we addressed him by his Xhosa clan name, Madiba. Most of the posters and cards we saw at the hospital referred to the leader as Madiba or Tata, meaning father.

 
For me, this visit to the Mediclinic Heart Hospital emphasized the importance of Nelson Mandela to South Africa. It also revealed that although Mandela has been out of politics officially for over ten years, the country would never forget his achievements. 






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Degrees of Development: A Photo Journal of Morocco

By Mandy Bowers


Many of us have a fuzzy idea in our head of what a developing country looks like, or what the Middle East looks like, or even what Africa looks like. Personally, I had a fuzzy picture in my head of what my experience studying abroad in Morocco this spring term would look like. After ten weeks of extensive travel, plenty of harassment, a loving host family, and regular academic questioning, I now have a clearer picture of a developing country trapped between opposing African, Middle Eastern, and European identities.



The Medina of Fez was founded in the ninth century and reached its peak in the 13th-14thcentury. The sprawling maze of streets and tall buildings was surprisingly cool and has changed little in structure in the past few hundred years. Yet, telltale signs of changing residents grace the tops of the buildings — satellite dishes.



The rush of government-funded buildings in the 1960s and 1970s were poorly constructed, meaning that many homes across Morocco are in danger of collapse. Medinas, or old cities across Morocco, direly need restoration to protect the residents. (pictured: Chefchaouen)



Only in the past fifteen years did Morocco name Berber the official language. Despite its ancient roots and its position as mother tongue to nearly half the population, Berber is only now being introduced as a language taught in schools. The Berber alphabet was resurrected despite criticism from some who believe the language would have greater prospects of survival if written in Arabic or Latin script. In southern and eastern Morocco, where Berber is more prevalent, locals may not speak Arabic or appreciate a foreigner’s efforts to use Moroccan Arabic.



Al-Akhawayn University, Ifrane, was founded in 1994 as a Saudi-Moroccan partnership and is one of few private universities in Morocco. Although the university caters to elite students with its hefty tuition costs, if you ask the director, he will insist that the university is public because they still use the normal, government-run postage system. Ifrane, is called Switzerland of Morocco and is known for its European style homes, skiing, and frequent snowfall.




Some restoration efforts, in the name of tourism, are laughable. Can you see what was restored versus original in this picture? Your hint: the bottom faded before the top. When donors fund restoration projects, lack of oversight usually means that intermediaries choose the cheapest contractors available and pocket the difference. Restoration efforts may therefore be little more than scratching a pattern back into a wall — an outcome better described as vandalism than restoration.






In contrast to typical views of developing countries, Casablanca is now home to “Morocco Mall,” complete with an IMAX theater, a constructed pond overlooking the ocean, a star-studded ceiling, and an indoor aquarium.




A public university in Fez displays a bulletin board with the names and faces of jailed students who boycotted the university. Student governments regularly organize boycotts of classes and exams to oppose the governments’ lack of action on unemployment. The government usually responds with military force, in the guise of police action. All students are required to participate in the boycott, whether they agree or not.






The new opening of a mall in downtown Fez with a Carrefour attracts crowds of Moroccans in their best clothes to see and be seen. A few eighty year old women approach the escalator, remain immobile at the top for thirty seconds in fear of stepping on, and eventually dive back into the crowd that has formed behind them for the safer option: the elevator.




“Paradise Beach” in Assilah, Morocco, may remain an isolated home to sheep. The road out to the beach is so potholed and torn apart that only a four-wheel drive travelling below a mile an hour can reach the hidden beach.



Moroccans associate tourists with wealth, and many Moroccans have learned to cater to tourists in hopes of making a little extra money. Argan farmers harvest and crush Argan nuts to create the famous oil. Goats enjoy eating the nuts and tourists enjoy watching the goats climb the trees to eat the nuts. Thus, Argan farmers enjoy selling tourists photo-ops with baby goats and Argan oil.  



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Barbie Has a Problem: Moving Past Gender Stereotypes

By Andrew Kenealy

In keeping with the lighthearted spirit of Green Key Weekend at Dartmouth College, this World Outlook blog post will detail the recent adventures harmless international enemy of the public: Barbie.  However, even something as seemingly innocuous as Barbie can create controversy and public discontent, as evidenced by the topless woman burning a Barbie doll on a cross below.  Barbie may not be so harmless as she appears.  Indeed, it is often Barbie’s appearance that critics find problematic.

Protestors outside Barbie Dreamhouse, Berlin.

http://static2.nydailynews.com/polopoly_fs/1.1346365.1368742006!/img/httpImage/image.jpg_gen/derivatives/index_635_390/390-barbie-0516.jpg


A “Barbie Dreamhouse” has recently been constructed in Berlin, Germany, and it serves as a tourist attraction designed to promote the Barbie franchise. Parents and their young daughters can explore a full toy kitchen, bake virtual cupcakes, rummage around Barbie’s closets, and even pretend to be rock stars. The dream house is merely temporary, and will be deconstructed after several months to be moved to another city in Europe.


Unfortunately for the Barbie Franchise, not everybody has warmly received the pink princess palace in Berlin. As seen in the image above, the Dreamhouse has elicited an enormous public outcry against Barbie and the image that the blonde, blue-eyed, anorexic-looking doll endorses.  Indeed, Barbie has been harshly criticized in recent decades for reinforcing gender-stereotypes, prioritizing good looks over intelligence, and encouraging typically domestic activities such as shopping, baking, and cleaning.

The 21st century has been a time during which gender roles, and the extent to which gender specific toys can influence them, have been strongly questioned.  Created in 1959, Barbie is a still-breathing relic of the past.  Although Barbie has seen many changes since she was first launched, the basic doll remains the same.  Considering the increasing influence of the feminist movement, and new public perceptions of gender stereotypes, perhaps the new generation has outgrown Barbie. 

In a capitalist society, individuals place their votes on what they deem to be appropriate with their dollars.  As long as parents keep buying Barbie dolls for their daughters, Barbie and the image it stands for will stick around.  When consumers decide that Barbie dolls are no longer what they want to see their daughters play with, the Barbie franchise, and its giant pink dream house, will silently fade away.        

Sources:

http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/world/2013/05/16/german-barbie-protest/2192555/




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Media and Mekhennet: “Observations about the World after the Arab Spring”

By Feyaad Allie

Souad Mekhennet, German reporter and columnist who works for The New York Times, Der Spiegel and ZDF (German television) http://www.islamicstudies.harvard.edu/covering-islam/



For the Bernard D. Nossiter ’47 lecture at the Rockefeller Center on May 6, 2013, journalist Souad Mekhennet provided a different perspective on the motivations for the Arab Spring protests and their outcomes. Mekhennet obtained a unique viewpoint from witnessing protests and remaining in the region. She explained that the protesters told her they were protesting against corruption, better access to healthcare, and prosperity, not necessarily for democracy. In fact, she said that the people didn’t really seem to understand what democracy entailed.


Perhaps due the portrayal of Arab Spring events in the US, Mekhennet’s perspective was particularly interesting. In fact, it seems like constituents are more disapproving of the present condition of the government relative to the former regimes. Mekhennet stated that in Egypt 80-90% of women said that after the collapse of the Mubarak regime they were sexually assaulted. She mentioned her interviews with citizens of Arab Spring countries and revealed that most of them preferred the older regime because they were guaranteed basic security under those rulers. Elaborating, Mekhennet said the people are more afraid and women in particular are being threatened for not wearing the hijab. Overall, Mekhennet’s lecture emphasized that implementing democracy may still leave citizens with governments that neglect security or are unwilling to reform.


For me, the most interesting points that Mekhennet spoke about originated from the question and answer period. She explained that while Twitter and other social media sites were used to gather support and publicize the protest there was an often-overlooked downside: the validity of online information. Many times, Twitter updates from people at the protests were untrue. Mekhennet explained that there would be tweets about the police shooting into the crowd from protests where she was present; however, she saw no such action. As someone who is very interested and optimistic about social media, this surprised me. Prompted by a question regarding Syria, Mekhennet asserted that Syria could become the second Iraq. She recognized that several states and non-state actors have an interest in the area, making it susceptible to becoming a regional conflict.


Protesters in Tahrir Square. http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/booksblog/2011/apr/18/arabic-fiction-revolution-spring



Mekhennet’s lecture raises some interesting considerations about social media. Will the use of social media persist in the Arab world although the protests are largely over? How can social media become a more reliable source of information? Will social media serve as a form of exposure to Western culture that may have stronger implications in the future?